Saturday, May 9, 2009

Worldviews - OFW in Baku

We are back!

Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Baku, Azerbaijan

Dr. Ruben Z. Martinez

A friendly Baku airport personnel greeting you – “Kabayan!”, two local karaoke-restaurants, Reysha and Ichiban, serving “igado”, “dinakdakan”, “sisig”, “sinigang” and “bicol express” while listening to your favorite pinoy pop song, a local chapter of Couples for Christ, and weekend games of “tong-its”. Yes, there are Filipinos in Baku, Azerbaijan.

Baku, Azerbaijan has been unheard of in the past. Today, at least 2,000 families knows about it and can directly relate to it. They learned about it from their OFW family members or friends, who at one time worked in Baku. Most of these Filipinos, deployed from a third country such as United Arab Emirate, Turkey or Saudi Arabia, works in oil sector. Some of the big employers include British Petroleum, McDermott, and subsidiary industries servicing the needs of the offshore oil exploration. This include seaman employed in tender ships which provide logistics support to the offshore rig and a sales firm supplying the equipment and other logistical requirement of the offshore operation. One growing job market for Pinoy is the entertainment and the hotel and restaurant business.

The Azerbaijan Government has been increasingly alarmed with this growing presence of OFW that they included Filipino Nationals in their watchlist. It is also the reason, why I have to stay in the airport for 12 hours upon my arrival. Ordinarily, foreigners can secure a one month tourist visa at the airport consular office upon arrival. However, the local consultant tasked to provide me with an official invitation failed to deliver and as a result, I was held in the departure area for 12 hours and have to wait for them to rescue me. I learned that these policy, requiring Philippine Nationals to secure an official invitation, has been recently imposed by the Azerbaijan Government to Philippines Nationals seeking entry to the country. OFW presense has affected the employment of Azeri in multinational companies to technical and magerial post. Employers from Dubai and Turkey prefers the more skilled and industrious OFW. Aside from good command of the english language, OFW perform well in multi-tasked roles. Most importanly, OFW has the economic comparative advantage (it means cheaper).

OFW working in Azerbaijan are mostly professionals and occupy middle level and supervisory position. This includes medical doctors in company health care service, mechanical and safety engineers, sales and procurement managers and accountant. OFW are are also employed as chef in five-star hotels and restaurants and also waiters/waitresses. Not to be missed are the Filipino singers.

As a result of the growing number of Filipinos, enterprising Filipinos cashed in on this presence and OFW’s penchant for spending for good time, and established karaoke restaurant, Reysha and Ichiban. These restaurants serve rice with your favirite “ulam” or “pulutan”. Unfortunately, they don’t have “San Miguel Beer”. The local Xirdalan Beer is not as bad. You can even request the cook for a red snapper “paksiw”. Unfortunately, fresh fish for your favorite “kinilaw” is very expensive as it is imported from Dubai. You can order it in 5-star restaurants such as Hyatt, served as sashimi and sushi, prepared by Nestor, my favorite Kapangpangan cook. 

Through this karaoke-restaurant, OFW can belt out their favorite, which include the latest Filipino pop songs, american favorites including the ubiquitous  “my way”. One can hear Ilongo or visayan version of “my wee”. OFW in Baku comes from different regions of the country, from Mindanao, Iloilo, Bacolod, Antique, Cavite and Nueva Viscaya.  Aside from karaoke-restaurants, OFW congregate at the Catholic Church during Sunday. Almost half of the attendees are Filipinos. The church choir led by husband and wife team is predominantly a Filipino singing group, the gospel reading done mostly by Filipino volunteer, and so is the offering, through the efficient coordination of Tina, the church offering coordinator. Most of the active lay people are member of the local chapter of the Couples for Christ (CFC), an organization founded in the Philippines. The fellowship after the mass provides a venue for interaction among the OFWs and their families. Coffee, tea, pansit and cake is served during the fellowship. Interaction is lively and intense, as if they have not met for a long time. Church fellowship is weekends treat one looks forward to. Through this church fellowship, I met a chinoy (filipino-chinese) from Manila, an engineer from Cavite, a singer from Bacolod and Ilocos, a sales managers from Bayombong and Davao, and a Kapangpangan Chef working in japanese restaurant in Hyatt.

After the church fellowship, OFW find themselves in small groups of four or five, if not their families. This barkadahan also provides venue for interaction for some of the OFWs. Barkada sometimes engaged in friendly game of tong-its while waiting for their favorite sinigang being preprared by an Azeri cook (mistress of one of my friend). Drink beer or even go to aqua sports facility, with giant water slides and wimming pools during summer. Through this barkadahan, OFW  shares personal stories and in some occassions discuss issues confronting them and their families.

Most of the old timers have been in Baku for more that five years. Some has picked up local language and can speak Azeri and/or Russian. A number of kids raised in Baku are studying in the international school and are topping their class. One of which is Samantha, who not only tops in her Russian class but is equally talented and has performed piano recital.

The OFW community in Baku is an interesting story of solidarity, survival and challenge. Even as some of the OFW has found their own families in Baku, most have shied away from being assimilated into the Azeri culture and society and have chosen to retain their Filipino culture and identity. Even as some has found an Azeri or Georgian wife/girlfriend, they were not eager to be assimilated into the local culture. This is unlike the US and European OFWs, most of whom have assimilated with the local culture.

Far removed from their roots, their families and friends, the Filipino restaurants, the church, the religious organization such as the CFC, and barkada, offers venue for interaction among the Filipinos. The interaction all contributing to the creation and evolution of a Filipino diaspora in Baku, Azerbaijan.

WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005

For related blog, visit, Anthropologist's Learning Journey

Sunday, May 3, 2009

Vol. 1 No. 1 - Spotlight2

We are back!

Reconstructing Cultural History

By: Dr. Ruben Z. Martinez

Effort to reconstruct the cultural history of Antique is indeed a heroic act. Reconstructing cultural history requires piecing together bits and pieces of information from various sources. In the absence of systematic archaeological investigation to enable us to put together a cultural chronology or reconstruct the life ways of the earlier inhabitants, we can resort to ethnographic inference and analogy to possibly shed light on the customs and traditions of the indigenous Ati, and also on the so called “Barter of Panay.”

Negrito groups, such as the Ati, as they themselves recollect, are nomadic hunters and gatherers. However, as their hunting grounds became smaller as a result of population pressure and logging activities, they broaden their livelihood activities to include agriculture.

The Ati, - unlike other groups with longer tradition of horticulture and later intensive agriculture – failed to develop the associated material culture that are normally found in horticultural and agricultural societies. In most cases, these also have tradition of pottery and weaving. Pottery is an important component in the development of rice culture.

The presence or absence of this diagnostic cultural artifact provides clues on the kind of culture and cultural configuration of a particular group. Ati as hunters and gatherers is primarily an egalitarian society. It can be surmised that their leadership pattern is based on age and sex.

The indigenous Ati inhabiting the coastal and forest areas of Panay prior to the migration of the Bornean Datus may have a property concept similar to other hunting and gathering societies in the Philippines. Unlike the horticulturalist or agriculturalist, they do not regard land as a private property.

Even among the Hanunoo of Southern Mindoro or the Iraya of Northern Mindoro, who have longer tradition of horticulture and shifting agriculture, it was only in the later date when they developed the concept of private ownership of land.

Prior to contact with the Spanish and American colonizers, Hanunoo and Iraya, regard land as sacred and stewardship of the land is passed on to them be their ancestors, who continue to reside in their land. Kalag and Bukaw (Spirits) are part of their landscape, this is similar to the indigenous belief on mariit (sacred place).

Possession of land among Hanunoo and Iraya is based on use rights, they retain stewardship of the land for as long as they cultivate the land. The land reverts to communal use once the original vegetation is restored or they abandon the swidden plot during its fallow period (rest period).

There is a high probability therefore that the so called barter of Panay did not happen. Assuming that the Bornean Datu gave the welcoming Ati gifts, it is unlikely that the Ati have exchanged their land for the said gifts. It would be erroneous to assume that the Ati would have the same concept of land as the seafaring Bornean Datus or to use our current property concept which treats land as a real property that can be transferred or sold.

The challenge for historians, archaeologists and ethnographers is to unearth facts and information about the ancient life ways.

This is not only about reconstructing the drama of exchanging gifts but also to reconstruct their life ways, piece together part of our local history and cultural chronology, and most importantly draw lessons and insights from the past.

WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005

Other articles of Ruben Z. Martinez

Vol. 1 No. 1 - Spotlight

We are back!

Rewriting History: The “Barter” of Panay according to the Ati

Datu Puti, kag Bangcaya, Datu Lubay, Balinsusa Paiburong, Dumarogdog, Dumangsol, Padohinog

Number nine si Sumakwel, number ten si Dumangsil

Dayon gid divide nila

Ang Panay nga isla Irong-irong, Akean, Hantik


Kun tawgon ta Ang irong-irong kay Datu Paiburong

Kag kay Bangkaya naman ang bilog nga Aklan,

ang Hantik kay Sumakwel

Sa sining pagdisider

Si sumakwel amu gid, ang ila lider.

Ang lider sa Panay sadto

Amu si Datu Marikudo

May maanyag nga tiayon

Maniwangtiwang kun tawgon

Kay sila tanyagan

Sang salakot nga bulawan

Kag kolintas nga nagasangyad sa dalan

Ang makaluluoy sini

Ang tumandok nga mga Ati

Sa bukid nagpalamulya

Kag naglinapta na sila

And that’s the dawn of history of Malay settlement diri.

Wrapped in this old Ilonggo folksong is the centuries old legend told and re-told as the “Barter of Panay.” Translated the song sings about the 10 Bornean Datus so named whose aim was to divide the Island of Panay among them. Called Irong-irong, Akean and Hantik then. Irong-irong is for Datu Paiburong while Bangkaya gets the whole of Aklan, Hantik is for Sumakwel, whom they decided to be their leader. The leader of Panay then is Datu Marikudo, who has a beautiful wife they call Maniwangtiwang. They were given a golden salakot and a golden necklace that touches the ground. What is so sad is that the native Atis were pushed to the mountains and spread out there.

History books are also replete with stories about “Purchase of Panay” but as this historical anecdote bears much weight in the development of Philippine civilization, many historians believe its historical significance can cot be ignored even as some of them already raised doubts as to its veracity. That being so, the story “merits recasting” says one historian.

The development of the Barangay, as the beginnings of an organized society is traced through the settlements set up by theses Bornean Datus. This is also why Panay continue to assert itself as the seat of Philippine civilization. And so we look back. Citing as references the 1907 “Maragtas” Manuscripts of Pedro Monteclaro and the 1917 “Historia Prehispana de Panay of Prof. Josue Saangcuya, historian Gregorio F. Zaide in his book “Philippine Political and Cultural History” wrote that at the time when Malaysia was dominated by the Hindu-Malay empire of Sri-Vishaya, ten Bornean Datus with their families, warriors and slaves, fled from Borneo to escape the “tyranny” of Sultan Makatunaw arrived in the Island of Panay about the middle of the 13th century. “At that time Panay was inhabited by the Atis (Negrito) under the rule of King Marikudo met at the Negrito Village of Sinugbuhan by the bank of the Andona River and there negotiated the sale of the lowlands. With the approval of his people, Marikudo agreed to sell. The purchase price consisted of a gold saduk (wide brimmed hat) for Marikudo and a long gold necklace for Queen Maniwangtiwang. In addition, the Bornean Datus gave various gifts to the atis including a Kris (war knife) to Marikudo and several bead necklaces for the Ati women. To seal the pact of the purchase, both the atis and the borneans feasted together and made merry by dancing their respective dances and singing their respective songs. After the feast, Marikudo and his people retired to the mountains, leaving the borneans in complete control of the lowlands. The purchse price of Panay allegedly summed up to P57,790.00 in modern Philippine money says Prof. Sancuya in his book. Seven of the 10 Datus stayed in Panay, then called “Aninipay”, while Datu Puti, Dumangsil and Balinsusa went on to settle in the what is now called the Bicol region. Later, Zaided also noted that Datu Puti went back to Borneo.

Zaide also theorized that the term “visayas” by which Panay and the nearby islands are known today came from these bornean pioneers who were also Shri-Visayans because they were subjects of the Shri-Visayan Empire.

Through all these, what has the descendents of Marikudo has to say? WV sought out Virgilio Ocario, one of the leaders of the Ati in Antique province who is also the President of the Pambansang Lupon ng Nakatatanda sa Tribu (PLANT), an association of tribal leaders in the country. Ocario is now tracing history in the hope that in the days to come, he and his people, will be able to share their own version of what happened then. At the moment, Ocario is convinced that his forebears did not sell nor barter Panay. Neither were there a golden salakot and a golden necklace. Following is an excerpt of WV’s interview with him:

Q: You were saying you forebears couldn’t have bartered or traded Panay with the Malayan Datus as legend would have it. Why is that?

A: Wala kasi sa kaugalian ng Ati yung sinasabing nangyari. May ugali ang ati na pagbinigyan mo ang isa, dapat bibigyan mo lahat, kung hindi, aalis yon. Kung kanino mo ibinigay hindi hihingi yung iba, aalis na lang. (it is not within Ati’s cuture to partake of something not given to him directly, they will not ask for their share, they will just go away.)

Q: How would that relate to the “barter”?

A: Ayon sa kuwento ng aming mga ninuno, ang lider ng ati noong panahong iyon ay si Amang Pulpulan. Siya ang tatay ni Marikudo. Mayroon daw siyang kapangyarihan. Alam niya kung kalian babagyo. Nag-gagamot din siya. Nung panahong ding yon, hindi pwedeng maging lider ng ati ang walang asawa. Kaya hindi si Marikudo ang lider noon, ang tatay pa niya. Nagkataon lang na nang dumating ang mga Bornean Datu, kasal ni Marikudo noon at ang sabi ni Amang Pulpulan, bahala na siya makipag-usap. Hindi natin alam kung paano sila nag-usap. Hindi rin datu ang tawag sa aming mga lider. Ayon sa kwento, nang abutan ng pasalubong si Marikudo, nag alisan ang mga ati. Dun niya sinabi yung “Dina Kayni pag ukwe karnad kayni ke burohaten.” Ibig sabihin, “huwag muna kayong aalis, nag-uusap pa”. Pero umalis din ang mga ati. Ang pag-alis ng mga ati ay hindi dahil ibinigay na nila nag Panay at umakyat na sila sa bundok, nainis sila kay Marikudo. Yun din ang huling kwento kay Marikudo. (According to my forefathers, the leader of the Ati then was “Amang Pulpulan”, the father of Marikudo. He is said to possess powers because he can predict when a typhoon is coming. He is also a healer. Then too, one cannot be a leader of the Ati if he is not married. When the Bornean Datus came, it just happened that is was Marikudo’s wedding and Amang Pulpulan told him to just handle the visitors and talk to them. We do not know how Marikudo could have communicated with the Datus. We also do not call our leaders Datu. But when the visitors handed gifts to Marikudo, the Atis left and that’s when Marikudo said “Dina Kayni pag ukwe karnad kayni ke burohaten”, that’s Ati, which means do not go yet, we are still talking.” The atis left not because they have given Panay to the visitors but they got angry at Marikudo. That was also the last time we heard of Marikudo.)

Q: How did that story come to you? Are you a direct descendant of Marikudo? How did you know that that really happened?

A: Hindi ako direct descendant pero ang mga ninuno ko dualo daw sa kasal ni Marikudo at ito yung kwento na nagpasalinsalin sa amin. Pitong pares daw ang kinasal noon. Si Marikudo at si Maniwangtiwang at anim na pares pa. kasi yung di napili ni Marikudo, pinakasalan na lang nung iba. Tatlong araw daw ang kasal. (I am not a direct descendant of Marikudo but my forefathers attended Marikudo’s wedding and this is the story that has been told to us, generation after generation. In fact, we were told that seven pairs got married that day, Marikudo and Maniwangtiwang and six others. They were the ladies not chosen by Marikudo and so the other men got them for their wives.)

Q: How was that again?

A: Para nga makapag-asawa na si Marikudo, pinaikot si Sora (messenger) upang maghanap ng mapapangasawa ni Marikudo. Pito ang pinagpilian, yung di napili na anim pinakasalan na lang ng ibang wala pang asawa. (Marikudo needs to marry so he can take over his father as leader, so the messenger whom we call Sora was asked to look for potential brides. She came back with seven and Marikudo chose from them.)

Q: You said the wedding was for three days? How was time determined then?

A: Oo, tuwing “tagpangawkaw” lang ang kasal, bago mag full moon. Tagpangawkaw ang tawag sa panahon na naghuhunting sila. Sa ganitong panahon siguro ginagawa ang kasayahan tulad ng kasal dahil duon sila maraming huli at katay. (Yes, weddings are held every hunting season, before the full moon. This could probably be so because this is the time when they have a lot of catch.)

Q: In the story passed on to you, how did your forefathers describe the way they live before the Datus came? What do they eat?

A: Kumakain sila saging, gabi, mga halaman. Naghuhunting. Maglalagi sila sa isang lugar at magtatayo ng maliit na bahay pero pag konti na ang makukuhang pagkain sa lugar na yon, aalis na nanaman at lilipat sa mas magandang lugar na maraming makukuhang pagkain. Pero bago sila aalis sa isang lugar, magtatanim din sila. Tapos babalik uli sila dun. Ang pagtingin nila sa oras o araw ganun din. May tinatawag silang tagbukuran (budding ang halaman), tagralaykaw (go out) tagpangawkaw (hunting), tagdaranghos (dagdagan pa) tagdurugon (go home). (They eat bananas, gabi, many others. They settle in a place for a while and build makeshift homes but they also leave the place when the food source is depleting and then they settle in another area. Before they leave though, they plant around the area and then they go back to the same place when what they planted startes to bear fruit. Their measure of time is also dictated by the season: tagbukuran is the season when plants starts to bud, tagralaykaw means time to go out, tagpangawkaw is season for hunting, tagdaranghos means they have to increase their food gathering, tagdurugon means time to go home.)

Q: Do they eat rice then?

A: Di pa sila marunong magtanim ng palay noon. Sina Sumakwel daw nagturo nun sa kanila. (They don’t know how to plant palay then. They say, it was Sumakwel who taught them how.)

Q: We know you are still doing your family tree, but can you share to us what you have so far and who among your forefathers attended Marikudo’s wedding?

A: Ayon sa kwento na sumalinsalin sa aming pamilya, si Amang Batan isa sa mga dumalo sa kasal ni Marikudo at nasaksihan ang pagdating ng ga datu. Kinwento niya it okay Sora na kapatid niya. Hindi ito ang sora na naghanap ng asawa para kay Marikudo, ibang Sora ito. Si Sora naman anak niya si Gemo at yung aking Apoy Muray galing sa angkan ni Gemo. Marami pa sa pagitan nina Gemo at Apu Muray at yan ang sinasaliksik ko pa ngayon. Si Apu Muray siya ang aking great grandmother. (According to stories that had been passed on to us, it was Amang Batan who attended Marikudo’s wedding and witnesses the arrival of the Datus. He told the story to his sister Sora. Sora has a son called Gemo and this is from where my great grandmother Apuy Muray traces her roots. I am still tracing our family tree though.)

 

The 31 year old Binirayan Festival in Antique which had been anchored on the story of the Barter of Panay is also making a big statement this year.

 

According to Alex delos Santos, the executive director of the Binirayan Foundation in charge of this year’s festival, “The Binirayan festival in Antique is not about the purchase of Panay but about the landing of the 10 Bornean Datus in Malandog.” Binirayan 2005 he said is an attempt to create public awareness about this historical incident and push anew into the public agenda a discussion about it. “It’s about time we review our history and write it from our own perspective,” delos Santos said.

He also said that since 2001, the Binirayan committee has reviewed the historical context on which the festival was based. Conceptualized in 1973 by the late Governor Evelio Javier, historian Resurreccion Maza, writer Lorna Montilla and Gov. Sally Perez, who was then still based in Manila, the festival was anchored on the Maragtas lagends, about how the Bornean Datus led by Datu Puti fled from the tyranny of Sultan Makatunaw and landed in Panay. According to legend, the Bornean Datus first landed in Sirgawan creek in San Joaquin but found the land too rocky and not suitable to farming so they moved further west following the contour of the island and landed in Malandog. That time, Malandog was inhabited by the Ati and the chieftain, Marikudo welcomed them and allowed them to stay. Such generosity was gifted with a golden salakot and necklace. Delos Santos theorized, “In a way, the golden salakot is only a symbol of friendship of the Ati and the Malay, the ancestors of the Antiquenos.”

It is in this perspective that Binirayan should be seen, says Delos Santos. “It is in Antique where the Bornean Datus found refuge from their oppressors, here, they were welcomed and accepted. Here, they intermarried with the Ati to produce the noble Antiqueno race.” “The Binirayan uses the Maragtas legends as metaphor for our search for a better life,” he also said. This year’s theme says delos Santos spells out just that. “Kultura kag Katiringban: Pagpalayag sa Kaaraydan kang Antique,” translated this means that cultural awareness and social cohesiveness would push the province to sail on to that promised land of political peace and unity, economic stability and sustainable development.”

WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005

Other article of Jo M. Clemente