Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Baku, Azerbaijan
WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005
For related blog, visit, Anthropologist's Learning Journey
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Baku, Azerbaijan
WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005
For related blog, visit, Anthropologist's Learning Journey
By: Dr. Ruben Z. Martinez
Effort to reconstruct the cultural history of Antique is indeed a heroic act. Reconstructing cultural history requires piecing together bits and pieces of information from various sources. In the absence of systematic archaeological investigation to enable us to put together a cultural chronology or reconstruct the life ways of the earlier inhabitants, we can resort to ethnographic inference and analogy to possibly shed light on the customs and traditions of the indigenous Ati, and also on the so called “Barter of Panay.”
Negrito groups, such as the Ati, as they themselves recollect, are nomadic hunters and gatherers. However, as their hunting grounds became smaller as a result of population pressure and logging activities, they broaden their livelihood activities to include agriculture.
The Ati, - unlike other groups with longer tradition of horticulture and later intensive agriculture – failed to develop the associated material culture that are normally found in horticultural and agricultural societies. In most cases, these also have tradition of pottery and weaving. Pottery is an important component in the development of rice culture.
The presence or absence of this diagnostic cultural artifact provides clues on the kind of culture and cultural configuration of a particular group. Ati as hunters and gatherers is primarily an egalitarian society. It can be surmised that their leadership pattern is based on age and sex.
The indigenous Ati inhabiting the coastal and forest areas of Panay prior to the migration of the Bornean Datus may have a property concept similar to other hunting and gathering societies in the Philippines. Unlike the horticulturalist or agriculturalist, they do not regard land as a private property.
Even among the Hanunoo of Southern Mindoro or the Iraya of Northern Mindoro, who have longer tradition of horticulture and shifting agriculture, it was only in the later date when they developed the concept of private ownership of land.
Prior to contact with the Spanish and American colonizers, Hanunoo and Iraya, regard land as sacred and stewardship of the land is passed on to them be their ancestors, who continue to reside in their land. Kalag and Bukaw (Spirits) are part of their landscape, this is similar to the indigenous belief on mariit (sacred place).
Possession of land among Hanunoo and Iraya is based on use rights, they retain stewardship of the land for as long as they cultivate the land. The land reverts to communal use once the original vegetation is restored or they abandon the swidden plot during its fallow period (rest period).
There is a high probability therefore that the so called barter of Panay did not happen. Assuming that the Bornean Datu gave the welcoming Ati gifts, it is unlikely that the Ati have exchanged their land for the said gifts. It would be erroneous to assume that the Ati would have the same concept of land as the seafaring Bornean Datus or to use our current property concept which treats land as a real property that can be transferred or sold.
The challenge for historians, archaeologists and ethnographers is to unearth facts and information about the ancient life ways.
This is not only about reconstructing the drama of exchanging gifts but also to reconstruct their life ways, piece together part of our local history and cultural chronology, and most importantly draw lessons and insights from the past.
Number nine si Sumakwel, number ten si Dumangsil
Dayon gid divide nila
Ang Panay nga isla Irong-irong, Akean, Hantik
Kun tawgon ta Ang irong-irong kay Datu Paiburong
Kag kay Bangkaya naman ang bilog nga Aklan,
ang Hantik kay Sumakwel
Sa sining pagdisider
Si sumakwel amu gid, ang ila lider.
Ang lider sa
Amu si Datu Marikudo
May maanyag nga tiayon
Maniwangtiwang kun tawgon
Kay sila tanyagan
Sang salakot nga bulawan
Kag kolintas nga nagasangyad sa dalan
Ang makaluluoy sini
Ang tumandok nga mga Ati
Sa bukid nagpalamulya
Kag naglinapta na sila
A: Wala kasi sa kaugalian ng Ati yung sinasabing nangyari. May ugali ang ati na pagbinigyan mo ang isa, dapat bibigyan mo lahat, kung hindi, aalis yon. Kung kanino mo ibinigay hindi hihingi yung iba, aalis na lang. (it is not within Ati’s cuture to partake of something not given to him directly, they will not ask for their share, they will just go away.)
A: Ayon sa kuwento ng aming mga ninuno, ang lider ng ati noong panahong iyon ay si Amang Pulpulan. Siya ang tatay ni Marikudo. Mayroon daw siyang kapangyarihan. Alam niya kung kalian babagyo. Nag-gagamot din siya. Nung panahong ding yon, hindi pwedeng maging lider ng ati ang walang asawa. Kaya hindi si Marikudo ang lider noon, ang tatay pa niya. Nagkataon lang na nang dumating ang mga Bornean Datu, kasal ni Marikudo noon at ang sabi ni Amang Pulpulan, bahala na siya makipag-usap. Hindi natin alam kung paano sila nag-usap. Hindi rin datu ang tawag sa aming mga lider. Ayon sa kwento, nang abutan ng pasalubong si Marikudo, nag alisan ang mga ati. Dun niya sinabi yung “Dina Kayni pag ukwe karnad kayni ke burohaten.” Ibig sabihin, “huwag muna kayong aalis, nag-uusap pa”. Pero umalis din ang mga ati. Ang pag-alis ng mga ati ay hindi dahil ibinigay na nila nag
A: Hindi ako direct descendant pero ang mga ninuno ko dualo daw sa kasal ni Marikudo at ito yung kwento na nagpasalinsalin sa amin. Pitong pares daw ang kinasal noon. Si Marikudo at si Maniwangtiwang at anim na pares pa. kasi yung di napili ni Marikudo, pinakasalan na lang nung iba. Tatlong araw daw ang kasal. (I am not a direct descendant of Marikudo but my forefathers attended Marikudo’s wedding and this is the story that has been told to us, generation after generation. In fact, we were told that seven pairs got married that day, Marikudo and Maniwangtiwang and six others. They were the ladies not chosen by Marikudo and so the other men got them for their wives.)
A:
A: Oo, tuwing “tagpangawkaw” lang ang kasal, bago mag full moon. Tagpangawkaw ang tawag sa panahon na naghuhunting sila. Sa ganitong panahon siguro ginagawa ang kasayahan tulad ng kasal dahil duon sila maraming huli at katay. (Yes, weddings are held every hunting season, before the full moon. This could probably be so because this is the time when they have a lot of catch.)
A: Kumakain sila saging, gabi, mga halaman. Naghuhunting. Maglalagi sila sa isang lugar at magtatayo ng maliit na bahay pero pag konti na ang makukuhang pagkain sa lugar na yon, aalis na nanaman at lilipat sa mas magandang lugar na maraming makukuhang pagkain. Pero bago sila aalis sa isang lugar, magtatanim din sila. Tapos babalik uli sila dun. Ang pagtingin nila sa oras o araw ganun din. May tinatawag silang tagbukuran (budding ang halaman), tagralaykaw (go out) tagpangawkaw (hunting), tagdaranghos (dagdagan pa) tagdurugon (go home). (They eat bananas, gabi, many others. They settle in a place for a while and build makeshift homes but they also leave the place when the food source is depleting and then they settle in another area. Before they leave though, they plant around the area and then they go back to the same place when what they planted startes to bear fruit. Their measure of time is also dictated by the season: tagbukuran is the season when plants starts to bud, tagralaykaw means time to go out, tagpangawkaw is season for hunting, tagdaranghos means they have to increase their food gathering, tagdurugon means time to go home.)
A: Di pa sila marunong magtanim ng palay noon. Sina Sumakwel daw nagturo nun sa kanila. (They don’t know how to plant palay then. They say, it was Sumakwel who taught them how.)
A: Ayon sa kwento na sumalinsalin sa aming pamilya, si Amang Batan isa sa mga dumalo sa kasal ni Marikudo at nasaksihan ang pagdating ng ga datu. Kinwento niya it okay Sora na kapatid niya. Hindi ito ang sora na naghanap ng asawa para kay Marikudo, ibang Sora ito. Si Sora naman anak niya si Gemo at yung aking Apoy Muray galing sa angkan ni Gemo. Marami pa sa pagitan nina Gemo at Apu Muray at yan ang sinasaliksik ko pa ngayon. Si Apu Muray siya ang aking great grandmother. (According to stories that had been passed on to us, it was Amang Batan who attended Marikudo’s wedding and witnesses the arrival of the Datus. He told the story to his sister Sora. Sora has a son called Gemo and this is from where my great grandmother Apuy Muray traces her roots. I am still tracing our family tree though.)
The 31 year old Binirayan Festival in Antique which had been anchored on the story of the Barter of Panay is also making a big statement this year.
According to Alex delos
WV Magazine, Volume 1, No. 1, May 2005
Other article of Jo M. Clemente